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African Union: Future Role in BRICS+ and G20

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By Yaroslav Lissovolik

The summit of the African Union (AU) in February 2023 marked the rising stature of Africa on the world stage and the increasing support for African economic integration both regionally and globally. In fact, one of the few positive trends in the global economy in recent years has been the greater prominence of regional integration in the Global South of which perhaps the most important has been the AU-led creation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The African Union is in the process of accession to the core of the G20 grouping as a full-fledged member and is also a participant of the BRICS+ meetings that in turn are increasingly targeting regional groupings from the Global South. What will be the future course taken by the African Union along the North-South (G20/BRICS) axis and are there prospects for the AU to become a permanent part of the BRICS/BRICS+ decision-making process?

Calls for other regional blocks to join the EU as members of G20 have been voiced years ago[1] and with respect to the African Union they have become much more vocal in the past several years as the AU has exhibited rising prominence and success on the international stage. Last year support for AU’s membership in the G20 has come from prominent academic figures (Jeffrey Sachs) as well as a number of country leaders. It appears that the likelihood of full membership of the AU in the G20 is quite high and likely to materialize in the coming years when developing nations from BRICS hold G20 presidency (India in 2023, Brazil in 2024 and South Africa in 2025).

As regards the BRICS, South Africa is presiding in the grouping this year and has already declared that it is planning to host the 15th Summit scheduled for August 2023 with the theme: “BRICS and Africa: Partnership for Mutually Accelerated Growth, Sustainable Development and Inclusive Multilateralism”. According to South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa, “we want to use this opportunity to advance the interests of our continent, and we will therefore through the BRICS summit be having an outreach process or moment, where we will invite other African countries to come and be part of the BRICS because we do want BRICS in whatever BRICS does to focus on helping to develop our continent”[2].

At the very least the above statements coming from South Africa suggest that the African Union may be increasingly active in building ties with BRICS, including possibly via the expanded BRICS+ framework that South Africa itself has successfully implemented in 2018 during its previous presidency. Some of the possible venues of cooperation in this respect have already been explored in the academic circles and largely centered on connectivity projects (see A BRICS+ framework for Africa: targeting regional connectivity, Valdai club, 2018[3]). The exact mechanics of how the BRICS-AU partnership is going to be forged is still very much an open question, and there may be several possible scenarios for this to unfold.

One possibility is for the African Union to occasionally become a participant in the annual summits of BRICS – much like the AU is taking part in the annual happenings of the G20 without being a full-fledged member. Another possibility is for the African Union together with a number of country candidates to become a permanent member of a circle that participates in the BRICS summits alongside the BRICS core. Finally, another modality is for the African Union to become part of a platform of regional blocks and associations under the banner of BRICS+.

The problem with the first scenario is that it does not really address Africa’s greater involvement in BRICS decision-making and does not go farther than the current unsatisfactory state of play between the AU and the G20. The question with respect to the second scenario is: if the AU is part of the “inner circle” than why would other key regional groupings formed by BRICS countries not have the same capability? The latter issue is essentially resolved in the third scenario, whereby the AU could lead the formation of a platform for regional integration arrangements of the respective BRICS economies.

A possible format for such a common platform for the regional organizations of BRICS countries could be the BEAMS formation that brings together BIMSTEC (India), Eurasian Economic Union (Russia), African Union (South Africa), MERCOSUR (Brazil), SCO (China)[4]. Such an undertaking is facilitated by the fact that the African Union already has a number of partnerships built with these regional groupings, including a Memorandum of Understanding with the Eurasian Economic Union and the initiation of trade and cooperation talks between MERCOSUR and the AU in 2021[5]. In this respect, it is important to note that the African Union and Africa as a continent have been among the leaders in the Global South in coordinating cooperation among the numerous regional organizations and regional integration blocks.

Creating a regional platform within the BRICS+ circle would strengthen the AU’s position in leading a similar effort within the G20 when its chairmanship in the grouping starts in 2025. In particular, the AU could lead the creation of a separate engagement group (Regional 20 (R20)) that could bring together the regional organizations, regional integration blocks and regional development institutions led by the respective G20 members[6]. A regional platform within the G20 would significantly expand the outreach of the G20 to virtually all economies of the world community. In this way through the introduction of R20 the roles played by the African Union in the BRICS and in the G20 would not be contradictory, but would rather be mutually reinforcing.

Some of the studies, however, are attempting to position the choices that are to be made by the AU on the international arena as a mutually exclusive scenario, with some advocating the prioritization of the G20 route vs. BRICS[7]. Rather than a tug-of-war between the BRICS and the G7/G20 over the African Union, a far better outcome is the African Union leading the formation of platforms of regional cooperation in the Global South (within the BEAMS/BRICS+ format) as well as globally (within the G20 framework). This would be a palpable contribution of Africa and the Global South more broadly to a material transformation of global governance in the direction of inclusivity and openness to the developing world. It would also position the AU at the center of the re-assembly of global governance via expanding the possibilities for international diplomacy through communication lines being established between regional organizations, integration blocks and their development institutions – thus far globally there is no such platform for dialogue among regional organizations.

Within such a scenario of the AU serving as a unifying point for regionalism in the world economy, it may be possible to entertain the integration of the African Union into a reformed UN system of governance, where seats in the Security Council can be allocated not just to country heavy-weights, but also to regional associations and blocks. The resulting global governance construct would be rendered less polarized and antagonistic with a layer of pragmatism and non-alignment/neutrality represented by regional blocks/organizations such as the AU. No doubt, against the grim backdrop of today’s international relations such an Africa-led breakthrough may appear utopian to most pundits and observers. But as Nelson Mandela used to say, “it always seems impossible, until it is done” and “a good head and good heart are always a formidable combination”.


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EVENTS & ANNOUNCEMENTS

G20: India’s Sovereign Stand for Global South

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By  Vaishali Basu Sharma

Issues that are clearly on focus in the Group of 20 (G20)  largest economies at the behest of India’s presidency are those that affect the Global South –  debt restructuring, reform of Multilateral Development Banks and climate financing.

 At the outstart of the first session of the G20 New Delhi summit (September 9-10, 2023), Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged the world to move from ‘global trust deficit to global trust’ and he said that the world must look at ‘concrete solutions to terrorism, climate change, and  supply chains. There need​s to be a human centric approach to all the challenges that the world faces today. In his inaugural address Modi said the group “will have to look at concrete solutions to terrorism, climate change, supply chains and cyber security.” What else is expected today? It remains to be seen how much of what the Delhi declaration has taken on will actually deliver.

The war in Ukraine is not formally on the agenda and yet it is on the minds of most of the leaders from the west. The Ukraine conflict was a centrepiece of the G20 agenda both in Bali last year and is on the sidelines of discussions this year as well.India particularly which has close strategic ties with Russia, is finding it very difficult to be the bridge builder between the West and the East. There is a growing sense among the Indian diplomats that too much effort is being spent on trying to solve the political contentions over Ukraine and perhaps narrowing that agenda is one way to resolve the differences within the organisation. At the G20 media briefing Sherpa Amitabh Kant made a point about bringing the agenda back to the initial purpose of G20 being fundamentally an economic organisation.

In fact because of differences and the polarising effect of the War in Ukraine, there was intense speculation that the current G20 summit would not be able to agree upon a joint declaration. However, the leaders managed to agree upon the wording and the ‘Delhi declaration’ was released the first day of the summit, September 9th itself. It appears to be one of the most wide ranging in terms of issues it has addressed. In a significant shift from the Bali declaration in 2022, the language of the G20 New Delhi joint statement refers to “war in Ukraine” and not “war against Ukraine.” US led western nations had previously refused to accept that formulation, because “wai in Ukraine” implies both sides are equally to blame for the war.

The G20 first met right after the 2008 financial crises and when it was started it was very much a community of the world’s largest nations dedicated to solving problems within the financial and economic architecture of the world. Since then mandate has widened significantly and over the years G20 come together to routinely address global problems. Increasingly they were becoming more geopolitical in focus. Under India’s Presidency the message that was put out was that the G20 is not the platform to resolve geopolitical and security issues.

Among the scores of agreements announced at the G20 New Delhi Summit the one that has generated maximum interest is the ‘India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor Partnership.’  flanked by US President US Biden and Saudi Arabia Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman at the G20 Summit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that the proposed  India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) will enhance connectivity for economic integration and would be launched soon. The planned IMEC has been jointly spearheaded by India and the US, and will involve, aside from India and the US, UAE, Saudi Arabia, EU, France, Italy, and Germany.

Warmly embracing African Union chair and Comoros President Azali Assoumani amid thunderous applause, Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared that the African Union (AU) had been granted permanent membership in the G20. The inclusion of the African Union in G20 signals the right step in an appropriate direction with respect to reforms that the global South has been seeking in various multilateral institutions. The AU has advocated constantly for reforms to take place with respect to global financial institutions and the manner in which development is funded, for reform in the United Nation Security Council. The recent BRICS summit declared itself quite well in that regard. The inclusion of the African union to the G20, thus now the G21 signals a very positive step towards the latter’s advocacy of reforms.

In terms of putting the global economy back on track one relevant and critical agreement has been the ‘Green Development Pact’ for a sustainable future. Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, and Charles Michel, President of the European Council pledged to invest “at least 4 billion euros in renewable energy and hydrogen in developing economies through the EU’s “Global Gateway plan” in the next 5 years At the New Delhi summit the leaders announced the Global Biofuel Alliance (GBA) aimed at facilitating international cooperation and intensifying the use of sustainable biofuels.

The G20 independent expert group has submitted its first report and another step towards strengthening multilateral development banks (MDBs) and to collectively work towards boosting World Bank financing capacity. Options will be explored that will develop a powerful boost to the IBRD head room to support low income and middle income countries. There was agreement on the endorsement for the G20 road map for implementation of the recommendations of an independent panel on capital adequacy framework of the MDBs. Rallying to boost the World Bank’s capacity, US President Joe Biden said “We are aiming for our joint contributions to deliver a one-time boost to IBRD (International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) equivalent to three times the World Bank’s annual non-concessional lending volume, and to double IDA’s crisis lending capacity.”

On cryptocurrency the G20 member nations on Saturday endorsed the Financial Stability Board’s recommendations. Concentrating more on the regulation, supervision and oversight of crypto assets the IMF-FSB Synthesis Paper, lays out a roadmap, for regulatory framework accounting for risks specific to the “emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs) and ongoing global implementation of FATF standards to address money laundering and terrorism financing risks.”  The G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors are likely to discuss taking forward the crypto roadmap at a meeting in October 2023.

These are the most formal issues that are on the agenda of the global leaders. But there are a set of significant issues that are taking place on the margins of the New Delhi summits of the G20 which have reflected themselves in the bilaterals. The bilateral between President Joe Biden and Prime Minister Modi on September 8 was extremely significant and both leaders agreed to a range of things from climate finance to digital infrastructure agreements. Among others Prime Minister Narendra Modi held a significant bilateral with Japanese PM Fumio Kishida to enhance cooperation in connectivity, commerce and other sectors.

Finally for all its grandstanding there is a lot of unfinished business in the G20. There is no end to the ‘War in Ukraine’; the supply chains continue to be disruptive as we recently saw the Black Sea Grain initiative could not be resolved, a problematic trade war and fence-sitting over decoupling have led to inconstancy in the business atmosphere; similarly in terms if financially addressing sustainable development goals, climate change mitigation, the progress is truncated. The New Delhi Summit certainly attempted to address all these issues.

Despite pressures from the G20 Delhi declaration refrained from any condemnation of Russia. The language was positive and mentioned that both sides should “refrain from the threat or use of force to seek territorial acquisition.” The most significant outcomes remain the inclusion of the African Union into the bloc and the Narendra Modi government’s sovereign  stand on the Russia-Ukraine war. The summit declaration was termed “people-centric, action-oriented and far-sighted” reflecting a “shared path for all”, ensuring that countries of the Global South are not  left behind.

Vaishali Basu Sharma is an analyst of strategic and economic affairs. She has worked as a consultant with India’s National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) for nearly a decade. She is presently associated with New Delhi based think tank Policy Perspectives Foundation.


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MIHAS 2023: Malaysia’s Grand Stage for Global Halal Innovation and Connection

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As the world increasingly embraces the Halal industry, all eyes turn to Malaysia next week for the much-anticipated Malaysia Halal International Showcase (MIHAS). Celebrating its 19th iteration, MIHAS has grown exponentially since its inception, solidifying its position as the globe’s premier Halal industry event.

Set against the vibrant backdrop of Kuala Lumpur, the showcase will be held at the Malaysia International Trade and Exhibition Centre (MITEC). Over the years, MIHAS has become a pivotal platform for international businesses and Halal industry leaders, offering a unique blend of trade, education, and networking opportunities.

This year’s theme, “Bridging the World with Halal,” underscores the event’s commitment to fostering global connections and promoting the Halal industry’s vast potential. With over 40 countries represented, the showcase promises a diverse array of products, services, and innovations, ranging from food & beverage, cosmetics, and pharmaceuticals to finance, e-commerce, and tourism.

One of the event’s highlights is the International Sourcing Program (INSP), an initiative by the Malaysia External Trade Development Corporation (MATRADE). The INSP facilitates meticulously curated one-on-one business meetings, connecting international buyers with Malaysia’s finest Halal product and service providers. This year, the program has garnered significant attention, with a record number of international buyers registering, emphasizing MIHAS’s role as a trusted platform for high-quality Halal sourcing.

YBhg. Datuk Mohd Mustafa Abdul Aziz, CEO of MATRADE, shared his enthusiasm: “MIHAS has always been more than just an exhibition. It’s a testament to Malaysia’s leadership in the Halal industry and our commitment to setting global standards. This year, we’re excited to introduce several new sectors, reflecting the industry’s evolution and the growing demand for Halal products and services worldwide.”

The event also promises a rich educational experience. A series of seminars, workshops, and panel discussions are scheduled, featuring industry experts discussing the latest trends, challenges, and opportunities in the Halal market. Topics will range from the intricacies of Halal certification and the rise of Halal tourism to the potential of Halal fintech and e-commerce.

As the world grapples with economic challenges and seeks sustainable growth avenues, the Halal industry emerges as a beacon of hope. MIHAS 2023 is not just a showcase but a celebration of an industry that champions ethical consumerism, sustainability, and inclusivity.

For those interested in attending or learning more, visit the official MIHAS website or contact the event’s secretariat. As Kuala Lumpur prepares to welcome the world next week, the anticipation is palpable. MIHAS 2023 promises to be a landmark event, setting the tone for the Halal industry’s future.


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AAOIFI Governance Standard on “Development and Governance of Shari’ah Compliant Benchmark Rates

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AAOIFI is pleased to invite you to its next public hearing on the exposure draft of the AAOIFI Governance Standard on “Development and Governance of Shari’ah Compliant Benchmark Rates”. The virtual public hearing organized in collaboration with *INCEIF, ISRA Research Management Center and KNEKS will be held on  23 August 2023 in English from 10:00 am to 12:00 pm, Bahrain (GMT+3).
To register, please click on:
To download the exposure draft, please click on:
The purpose of the public hearing session(s) is to receive views of the stakeholders in the Islamic financial industry in the form of questions, recommendations, comments and suggestions which will be presented to the relevant working group and board for consideration.


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